Strengthening Panchayats for Livelihoods

Giving PRIs a constitutional status two decades ago was intended to result in greater economic efficiency, larger resource mobilization, better service delivery and inclusive development leading to higher satisfaction. How far this has been achieved was the subject of deliberations in a workshop. This article is an abstract of the workshop report

Context

I n 1992, the Indian Parliament passed the 73rd Amendment to the Constitution, which bestowed constitutional status on Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs), with the objectives of decentralizing power and enabling inclusive development. Decentralization was expected to result in greater economic efficiency, larger resource mobilization, better service delivery and higher satisfaction. It was also expected to bring about political inclusion of the disadvantaged sections, particularly women. PRIs offered an opportunity for villagers to participate in local governance and to lay the foundation for a vibrant democracy.

After more than two decades, the reality today is nowhere close to the scenario envisaged in 1992. State governments that were supposed to build this dream by actively devolving funds, functions and functionaries to panchayats , failed in their obligation uniformly. Schedule XI of the Constitution lists 29 subjects in which powers are to be devolved to panchayats . As matters stand, no state has devolved these powers in the truest sense. Similarly, the structure of panchayats (multi-village, large population, representative-based) and bureaucratic control are issues that have held back the development of these institutions. In addition, party-based-politics in panchayats have compromised the spirit of grass-roots democracy. In some of the states, MPs and MLAs are ex-officio members of PRIs at different levels; this inhibits leadership at the grass-roots from flourishing. Overall, panchayats have not become the assertive village republics they were intended to be.